L'étude présentée dans cet article montre que pour le cas de l'arabe marocain, la théorie des supports doit être élargie à des prépositions qui peuvent fonctionner comme des supports. Ce rôle s'observe avec les nominalisations verbales comme celles que nous venons d'étudier avec la forme "ہend" (chez); mais aussi avec les nominalisations adjectivales où la forme prépositionnelle "f" (dans) apparaît comme la plus appropriée:

    First, I will briefly review two properties which are widely held to be defining properties of CSN, namely head-complement adjacency and definiteness spread, showing that they conspire to yield analyses that view CSN as resulting from some kind of incorporation. Then, I will introduce data from Classical Arabic which, although not new in themselves, have never been taken into consideration in previous generative studies of CSN, at least to the best of my knowledge. These data are patent counterexamples to the adjacency property and, as such, are not accounted for by existing analyses. I will also argue that definiteness spread is not a mechanism we want to allow, given more basic assumptions. Given this, I will then present an alternative analysis of CSN formation that (i) accounts for the non-adjacency facts, and (ii) allows one to derive all properties of CSN as distinct from prepositional genitive constructions, as well as to systematically relate both types of construction. Finally, I will make a tentative proposal in order to explain what I call the 'referential uniformity' of CSN, an apparent effect of which is captured by definiteness spread, wrongly so in my opinion.

    In Standard Arabic (henceforth, SA), various elements occur in the CP domain which may or may not involve movement and which intricately interact with one another. The question is whether or not the preposing of a constituent to the clause-peripheral position involves the activation of a functional projection and whether interactions in the CP domain can be represented by means of simple adjunction to IP (as in Lasnik and Saito, 1984) or whether they involve the projection of full functional categories. The question becomes more prominent in view of recent findings by Kayne (1994), where adjunction is not freely available, and in view of recent minimalist guidelines that movement is "Last Resort" in the precise sense that it is driven by the need to satify a morphological feature, which is done through the mechanism of feature checking. An element moves in order to check a morphological feature. Movement or adjunction is not freely available. One notable consequence of this guiding idea is that an articulated structure must be postulated to host the different phrases moved and which must enter into the required configuration with appropriate heads. In this paper, I consider some of the properties of the various elements of the CP domain, as well as their interactions in SA. The aim is to see which elements activate a functional projection in terms of the schema of X-bar theory.

    This article, which deals with object clitics in Berber, aims to investigate the similarities and differences between accusative and dative clitics in the light of the Minimalist approach (Chomsky 1992, 1995). The morphosyntactic properties of clitics are presented in an attempt to account for their categorial statuses and syntactic distribution. I argue that accusative and dative clitics are internal arguments of , and depend on the morphosyntactic features of V. They are base-generated in the computational system, with the dative checking its case in Spec DatP and the accusative in the Spec AccP. Dative clitics occur as both enclisis and proclisis according to the functional structure of the sentence in which they occur.

    Selon mon analyse, la primitive squelettale est l'exposant du trait "défini", le trait du déterminant qui n'est pas hérité par accord. Une telle correspondance entre identité grammaticale et identité phonologique peut-elle être étendue? Il s'agit maintenant de préciser la nature de la correspondance entre les traits grammaticaux et leurs représentations phonologiques : quel type de trait grammatical est exprimé par quel type d'objet phonologique ?

    In this article, Abdellatif Chouta presents a categorization of the types of thematic relations in Arabic by adopting the aspect concept and by assuming the work of Pustejovshy (1991) concerning the representation of various aspectual forms. The author also presents a study of the adverbial phrases of place and result taking into account their thematic relations.

    The article shows that the traits of Agr have neither the same force nor the same distribution. Some of these traits are positive, others are negative. Thus, the features of [person] and [gender] to not always influence the syntax of sentences, whereas the feature of [number] is so strong that it directly influences the asymmetrical representation of Agr and the hierarchical delimitation of lexical items.